Mauno oittinen4/30/2023 ![]() The municipal autonomy ensured by the constitution and the decentralized education system mean that the state has little statutory power over schooling. There are also a few independent education providers, and even fewer state-provided (usually special education) comprehensives. Primary responsibility for providing education lies with each of the more than 300 Finnish municipalities, which have considerable autonomy. The great majority of schools are run locally. In the lower classes the children generally stay with the same teacher most of the time in the upper classes they have subject-specific teachers. A comprehensive school is a nine-year school for all children, divided into six lower classes (ages 7–13) and three upper classes (ages 13–16). ![]() The comprehensive school system in Finland ( peruskoulu) is widely recognized as a case of policy success. Finally, the chapter sums up the complex development of comprehensive education and discusses the question under heated debate: what, if anything, can we learn from it? It also reviews scholarly accounts in contrast to the political debates. Using the well-reported history of the comprehensive school, it teases out the milestones of its development, while pointing to contingencies and path dependencies along the way, which have led to its legitimate position. By drawing on different research and statistical data, the chapter critically analyses the extent to which the Finnish comprehensive school can be seen as a success story in terms of performance. The aim of this chapter is to critically examine this purported policy success of the Finnish comprehensive school from the perspective of complexity theories. This reputation is largely due to the country’s success in the Programme for International Student Achievement (PISA), run by the OECD. For a decade, Finnish education, claimed to be among the best in the world, has basked in international glory. ![]()
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